The most hopeful fact of the hour is that we are now in a salutary school—the school of affliction. We have no business to mourn over our mission. A most interesting and gratifying confirmation of this theory of its mission is furnished in the varying fortunes of the struggle itself. Hence we have from the first been deluding ourselves with the miserable dream that the old Union can be revived in the states where it has been abolished. Indeed, as long as slavery has any life in it anywhere in the country, we are in danger of such a compromise. I know the American people. There was a right side and a wrong side in the late war, which no sentiment ought to cause us to forget, and while today we should have malice toward none, and charity toward all, it is no part of our duty to confound right with wrong, or loyalty with treason. We now want a country in which the obligations of patriotism shall not conflict with fidelity to justice and liberty. You, at least, were faithful and did your whole duty. Douglass's stump speech for 25 years after the end of the Civil War emphasized work to counter the racism that was then prevalent in unions. We could, like the ancients, discern the face of the sky, but not the signs of the times. Elsewhere we may find greatness and renown, but if these are based upon anything less substantial than justice they will vanish, for righteousness alone can permanently exalt a nation. While our government has the meanness to ask Northern colored men to give up the comfort of home, endure untold hardships, peril health, limbs and life itself, in its defense, and then degrades them in the eyes of other soldiers, by offering them the paltry sum of seven dollars power month, and refuses to reward their valor with even the hope of promotion—the Democratic party may well enough presume upon the strength of popular prejudice for support. He used the occasion to add his voice to the ongoing debate about the mission and meaning of the Civil War. Home Causes Effects Battles Generals Lincoln's Speeches Abolitionists Sources Frederick Douglass was born into slavery in 1818. Upon the whole, I like their mode of characterizing the war. Now, we of the North have seen many strange things and may see many more; but that old Union, whose canonized bones we saw hearse in death and inurned under the frowning battlements of Sumter, we shall never see again while the world standeth. If Ireland should strike for independence tomorrow, the sympathy of this country would be with her, and I doubt if American statesmen would be more discreet in the expression of their opinions of the merits of the contest than British statesmen have been concerning the merits of ours. The war looms before me simply as a great national opportunity, which may be improved to national salvation, or neglected to national ruin. We want a country where men may assemble from any part of it, without prejudice to their interests or peril to their persons. Her noblest defenders were sent into exile, and the hopes of democratic liberty were blasted in the moment of their bloom. Politics and perfidy proved too strong for the principles of liberty and justice in that contest. It is silent in victory but vehement and dangerous in defeat. It has brought ruin at home, contempt abroad, has cooled our friends, heated our enemies and endangered our existence as nation. Under the teachings of their great leader they admit into their form of government no disturbing force. Then came propositions for Border State, gradual, compensated, colonized emancipation. Dr. Buchanan and his Democratic friends had given us up and were preparing to celebrate the nations’ funeral. We know that large bodies move slowly—and often seem to move thus when, could we perceive their actual velocity, we should be astonished at its greatness. It began low and has risen high. Can anybody want the answer? Ask why it was for the Mexican War, and it answers, slavery. Then the uplifted arm of the nation will swing unfettered to its work, and the spirit and power of the rebellion will be broken. A radical change was needed in our whole system. I end where I began—no war but an Abolition war; no peace but an Abolition peace; liberty for all, chains for none; the black man a soldier in war, a laborer in peace; a voter at the South as well as at the North; America his permanent home, and all Americans his fellow countrymen. I know that times have changed very rapidly, and that we have changed them. While the North is full of such papers as the New York World, Express and Herald, firing the nation’s heart with hatred to Negroes and Abolitionists, we are in danger of a slaveholding peace. Secondly: The vast expense of the war and the heavy taxes in money as well as men which the war requires for its prosecution. If the observance of this memorial days has any apology, office, or significance, it is derived from the moral character of this war, from the far-reaching, unchangeable and eternal principles in dispute, and for which our sons and brothers encountered hardship, danger, and death…. While a respectable colored man or woman can be kicked out of the commonest streetcar in New York where any white ruffian may ride unquestioned, we are in danger of a compromise with slavery. Civil War Letter; Frederick Douglass's Speech "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July" Answers to Questions: 1. I have applauded that paper and do now applaud it, as a wide measure—while I detest the motive and principle upon which it is based. We must not be asked to put no difference between those who fought for the Union and those who fought against it, or between loyalty and treason…. I don’t go all the lengths to which such theories are pressed, but I do believe that it is the manifest destiny of this war to unify and reorganize the institutions of the country, and that herein is the secret of the strength, the fortitude, the persistent energy—in a word, the sacred significance—of this war. The hour is one of hope as well as danger. In a war that was caused by slavery, Douglass became a representative of the millions of enslaved individuals still in bondage, and his fiery speeches demanded that slavery should be abolished. The Revolution of 1848 was one of the grandest that ever dazzled a gazing world. Here is a part of the platform of principles upon which it seems to me every loyal man should take his stand at this hour: First: That this war, which we are compelled to wage against slaveholding rebels and traitors, at untold cost of blood and treasure, shall be, and of right ought to be, an Abolition war. Civil War: 1861-1865. My own feeling toward the old master class of the South is well known. Ask why it was for the annexation of Texas, and it answers, slavery. In some ways, the first part of the speech is a traditional patriotic speech. Union without unity is, as we have seen, body without soul, marriage without love, a barrel without hoops, which falls at the first touch. The best that can be offered is that we have made progress—vast and striking progress—within the last two years. Events are mightier than our rulers, and these divine forces, with overpowering logic, have fixed upon this war, against the wishes of our government, the comprehensive character and mission I have ascribed to it. In this address, he reminded his audience that slavery was the cause of the war and that its abolition could not be complete until the former slaves had full citizenship rights. The South is logical and consistent. I know we are not to be praised for this changed character of the war. Slaves became free in 1863, and everything changed for black Americans. Now, for what is all this desolation, ruin, shame suffering and sorrow? The dissolution of the Union on the old bases of compromise was plainly foreseen and predicted thirty years ago. While the Democratic party is in existence as an organization, we are in danger of a slaveholding peace, and of Rebel rule. It began narrow and has become broad. Would that it were more true than it is. We want a country whose fundamental institutions we can proudly defend before the highest intelligence and civilization of the age. It has sealed the fiery and scornful lips of the Roebucks and Lindsays of England, and caused even the eloquent Mr. Gladstone to restrain the expression of his admiration for Jeff Davis and his rebel nation. We have heard much in other days of manifest destiny. They saw that his must be a war for human nature, and walked by faith to its defense while all was darkness about us—while we were yet conducting it in profound reverence for slavery. Some of them, like Hunter and Butler, because they hate slavery on its own account, and others, because slavery is in arms against the government. Ask why it denied the right of a state to protect itself against possible abuses of the fugitive Slave Bill, and you have the same old answer. If the great work you undertook to accomplish is still incomplete; if a lawless and revolutionary spirit is still aboard in the country; if the principles for which you bravely fought are in any way compromised or threatened; if the Constitution and the laws are in any measure dishonored and disregarded; if duly elected State Governments are in any way overthrown by violence; if the elective franchise has been overborne by intimidation and fraud; if the Southern States, under the idea of local self-government, are endeavoring to paralyze the arm and shrivel the body of the National Government so that it cannot protect the humblest citizen in his rights, the fault is not yours. Tell me not of amnesties and oaths of allegiance. They have but to cross the rebel lines to be hailed by the traitors as countrymen, clansmen, kinsmen, and brothers beloved in a common conspiracy. The Republic disappeared. They charge that his is a war for the subjugation of the South. It would take more than speeches to make this change. Who was going to fight for slavery in the Union? Can anybody be ignorant of the answer? The question as to what shall be done with slavery—and especially what shall be done with the Negro—threaten to remain open questions for some time yet. The game is now in our hands. He used the occasion to add his voice to the ongoing debate about the mission and meaning of the Civil War. On January 13, 1864, Frederick Douglass was invited to deliver a speech before the Woman’s Loyal League at the Cooper Institute in New York City. Identify these elements. Ask why it was opposed to giving persons claimed as fugitive slaves a jury trial before returning them to slavery; ask why it is now in favor of giving jury trial to traitors before sending them to the forts for safekeeping; ask why it was for war at the beginning of the Rebellion; ask why it has attempted to embarrass and hinder the loyal government at every step of its progress, and you have but one answer, slavery. Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Available through the Library of Congress, Abolitionist Sheet Music Cover Page, 1844, Barack Obama, Howard University Commencement Address (2016), Blueprint and Photograph of Christ Church, Constitutional Ratification Cartoon, 1789, Drawing of Uniforms of the American Revolution, Effects of the Fugitive Slave Law Lithograph, 1850, Genius of the Ladies Magazine Illustration, 1792, Missionary Society Membership Certificate, 1848, Painting of Enslaved Persons for Sale, 1861, The Fruit of Alcohol and Temperance Lithographs, 1849, The Society for United States Intellectual History Primary Source Reader, Bartolomé de Las Casas Describes the Exploitation of Indigenous Peoples, 1542, Thomas Morton Reflects on Indians in New England, 1637, Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca Travels through North America, 1542, Richard Hakluyt Makes the Case for English Colonization, 1584, John Winthrop Dreams of a City on a Hill, 1630, John Lawson Encounters Native Americans, 1709, A Gaspesian Man Defends His Way of Life, 1641, Manuel Trujillo Accuses Asencio Povia and Antonio Yuba of Sodomy, 1731, Olaudah Equiano Describes the Middle Passage, 1789, Francis Daniel Pastorius Describes his Ocean Voyage, 1684, Rose Davis is sentenced to a life of slavery, 1715, Boston trader Sarah Knight on her travels in Connecticut, 1704, Jonathan Edwards Revives Enfield, Connecticut, 1741, Samson Occom describes his conversion and ministry, 1768, Extracts from Gibson Clough’s War Journal, 1759, Alibamo Mingo, Choctaw leader, Reflects on the British and French, 1765, George R. T. Hewes, A Retrospect of the Boston Tea-party, 1834, Thomas Paine Calls for American independence, 1776, Women in South Carolina Experience Occupation, 1780, Boston King recalls fighting for the British and for his freedom, 1798, Abigail and John Adams Converse on Women’s Rights, 1776, Hector St. Jean de Crèvecœur Describes the American people, 1782, A Confederation of Native peoples seek peace with the United States, 1786, Mary Smith Cranch comments on politics, 1786-87, James Madison, Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, 1785, George Washington, “Farewell Address,” 1796, Venture Smith, A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Venture, 1798, Letter of Cato and Petition by “the negroes who obtained freedom by the late act,” in Postscript to the Freeman’s Journal, September 21, 1781, Black scientist Benjamin Banneker demonstrates Black intelligence to Thomas Jefferson, 1791, Creek headman Alexander McGillivray (Hoboi-Hili-Miko) seeks to build an alliance with Spain, 1785, Tecumseh Calls for Native American Resistance, 1810, Abigail Bailey Escapes an Abusive Relationship, 1815, James Madison Asks Congress to Support Internal Improvements, 1815, A Traveler Describes Life Along the Erie Canal, 1829, Maria Stewart bemoans the consequences of racism, 1832, Rebecca Burlend recalls her emigration from England to Illinois, 1848, Harriet H. Robinson Remembers a Mill Workers’ Strike, 1836, Alexis de Tocqueville, “How Americans Understand the Equality of the Sexes,” 1840, Missouri Controversy Documents, 1819-1920, Rhode Islanders Protest Property Restrictions on Voting, 1834, Black Philadelphians Defend their Voting Rights, 1838, Andrew Jackson’s Veto Message Against Re-chartering the Bank of the United States, 1832, Frederick Douglass, “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” 1852, Samuel Morse Fears a Catholic Conspiracy, 1835, Revivalist Charles G. Finney Emphasizes Human Choice in Salvation, 1836, Dorothea Dix defends the mentally ill, 1843, David Walker’s Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World, 1829, William Lloyd Garrison Introduces The Liberator, 1831, Angelina Grimké, Appeal to Christian Women of the South, 1836, Sarah Grimké Calls for Women’s Rights, 1838, Henry David Thoreau Reflects on Nature, 1854, Nat Turner explains the Southampton rebellion, 1831, Solomon Northup Describes a Slave Market, 1841, George Fitzhugh Argues that Slavery is Better than Liberty and Equality, 1854, Sermon on the Duties of a Christian Woman, 1851, Mary Polk Branch remembers plantation life, 1912, William Wells Brown, “Clotel; or, The President’s Daughter: A Narrative of Slave Life in the United States,” 1853, Cherokee Petition Protesting Removal, 1836, John O’Sullivan Declares America’s Manifest Destiny, 1845, Diary of a Woman Migrating to Oregon, 1853, Chinese Merchant Complains of Racist Abuse, 1860, Wyandotte woman describes tensions over slavery, 1849, Letters from Venezuelan General Francisco de Miranda regarding Latin American Revolution, 1805-1806, President Monroe Outlines the Monroe Doctrine, 1823, Stories from the Underground Railroad, 1855-56, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, 1852, Charlotte Forten complains of racism in the North, 1855, Margaraetta Mason and Lydia Maria Child Discuss John Brown, 1860, South Carolina Declaration of Secession, 1860, Alexander Stephens on Slavery and the Confederate Constitution, 1861, General Benjamin F. Butler Reacts to Self-Emancipating People, 1861, William Henry Singleton, a formerly enslaved man, recalls fighting for the Union, 1922, Ambrose Bierce Recalls his Experience at the Battle of Shiloh, 1881, Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address, 1865, Freedmen discuss post-emancipation life with General Sherman, 1865, Jourdon Anderson Writes His Former Enslaver, 1865, Charlotte Forten Teaches Freed Children in South Carolina, 1864, General Reynolds Describes Lawlessness in Texas, 1868, A case of sexual violence during Reconstruction, 1866, Frederick Douglass on Remembering the Civil War, 1877, William Graham Sumner on Social Darwinism (ca.1880s), Henry George, Progress and Poverty, Selections (1879), Andrew Carnegie’s Gospel of Wealth (June 1889), Grover Cleveland’s Veto of the Texas Seed Bill (February 16, 1887), The “Omaha Platform” of the People’s Party (1892), Dispatch from a Mississippi Colored Farmers’ Alliance (1889), Lucy Parsons on Women and Revolutionary Socialism (1905), Chief Joseph on Indian Affairs (1877, 1879), William T. Hornady on the Extermination of the American Bison (1889), Chester A. Arthur on American Indian Policy (1881), Frederick Jackson Turner, “Significance of the Frontier in American History” (1893), Turning Hawk and American Horse on the Wounded Knee Massacre (1890/1891), Helen Hunt Jackson on a Century of Dishonor (1881), Laura C. Kellogg on Indian Education (1913), Andrew Carnegie on “The Triumph of America” (1885), Ida B. Wells-Barnett, “Lynch Law in America” (1900), Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (1918), Charlotte Perkins Gilman, “Why I Wrote The Yellow Wallpaper” (1913), Jacob Riis, How the Other Half Lives (1890), Rose Cohen on the World Beyond her Immigrant Neighborhood (ca.1897/1918), William McKinley on American Expansionism (1903), Rudyard Kipling, “The White Man’s Burden” (1899), James D. Phelan, “Why the Chinese Should Be Excluded” (1901), William James on “The Philippine Question” (1903), Chinese Immigrants Confront Anti-Chinese Prejudice (1885, 1903), African Americans Debate Enlistment (1898), Booker T. Washington & W.E.B. Though the portents are that we shall flourish, it is too much to say that we cannot fail and fall. I now hold that a sacred regard for truth, as well as sound policy, makes it our duty to own and avow before heaven and earth that this war is, and of right ought to be, and Abolition War. Frederick Douglass is thought to be one of the greatest men of the Civil War era. The American people will, in any great emergency, be true to themselves. But now the world begins to see something more than legitimacy, something more than national pride. BlackPast.org is a 501 (c)(3) non-profit organization. The statesmen of the South understood this matter earlier and better than the statesmen of the North. They took to slave catching and slave killing like ducks to water. Centering on a vision of centuries-long historical connection, Douglass’s discussion of William the Silent demonstrates the degree to which Civil War literature exceeds the Civil War itself, extending compositionally across the nineteenth century and imaginatively across time and space. NEW YORK (AP) — More than a century after his death, Frederick Douglass and July 4 remain profoundly intertwined. They are an impulsive people, impatient of delay, clamorous for change, and often look for results out of all proportion to the means employed in attaining them. I have already hinted at our danger. Then our work will be fairly mapped out. NEW YORK >> More than a century after his death, Frederick Douglass and July 4 remain profoundly intertwined. We are not fighting for the dead past, but for the living present and the glorious future. Now, this is just the sort of people whose votes may turn the scale against us in the last event. Around these two ideas their manners, morals, politics, religion and laws revolve. Author, abolitionist, political activist, and philosopher, Frederick Douglass was a pivotal figure in the decades of struggle leading up to the Civil War and the Reconstruction era. A great battle lost or won is easily described, understood and appreciated, but the moral growth of a great nation requires reflection, as well as observation, to appreciate it. Our hopeful Republican friends tell me this is impossible—that the day of compromise with slavery is past. The country knows the story by heart. Fourthly: Believing that the white race has nothing to fear from fair competition with the black race, and that the freedom and elevation of one race are not to be purchased or in any manner rightfully subserved by the disfranchisement of another, we shall favor immediate and unconditional emancipation in all the states, invest the black man everywhere with the right to vote and to be voted for, and remove all discriminations against his rights on account of his color, whether as a citizen or as a soldier. But unhappily, excellent as that paper is—and much as it has accomplished temporarily—it settles nothing. Frederick Douglass Civil War Douglass knew that in order to abolish slavery a great change must occur. We are in fact, and from absolute necessity, transplanting the whole South with the higher civilization of the North. The abolition of slavery is the comprehensive and logical object of the war, for it includes everything else which the struggle involves. A war waged as ours seemed to be at first, merely for power and empire, repels sympathy though supported by legitimacy. I know that many are appalled and disappointed by the apparently interminable character this war. By this time, Frederick Douglass was one of the most famous abolitionists, but the conflict thrust him into the spotlight. There are vast numbers of voters, who make no account of the moral growth of a great nation and who only look at the war as a calamity to be endured only so long as they have no power to arrest it. I need not dwell here. Twenty years ago we hoped that Texas could not be annexed; but if that could not be prevented we hoped that she would come in a free state. An Abolition war! They charge that it is no longer conducted upon constitutional principles. It is this new complexion of our cause which warms our hearts and strengthens our hands at home, disarms our enemies and increases our friends abroad. In his speech, Douglass did express concernt that Southern plantation owners might try to import Chinese workers to displace blacks. President Lincoln introduced his administration to the country as one which would faithfully catch, hold and return runaway slaves to their masters. I have now given, very briefly, some of the grounds of danger. Douglass was born a slave in Maryland, his mother was black and his … I’ve posted it before, but it think it’s something worth re-reading and contemplating every Memorial Day. The loyal North is less definite in regard to the necessity of principles of national unity. I am not indifferent. But whatever may come to pass, one thing is clear: The principles involved in the contest, the necessities of both sections of the country, the obvious requirements of the age, and every suggestion of enlightened policy demand the utter extirpation of slavery from every foot of American soil, and the enfranchisement of the entire colored population of the country. Here all is plain again. It was a vast and glorious step in the right direction. Why do the loyal people deny the charge? We tender you on this memorial day the homage of the loyal nation, and the heartfelt gratitude of emancipated millions. One wave brings its treasure from the briny deep, but another often sweeps it back to its primal depths. The collecting of revenue in the rebel ports, the repossession of a few forts and arsenals and other public property stolen by the rebels, have almost disappeared from the recollection of the people. The charge in a comprehensive sense is most true, and it is a pity that it is true, but it would be a vast pity if it were not true. Let them bend as they will bend, there will come the test of our sternest virtues. Now did a warm heart and a high moral feeling control the utterance of the President, he would welcome, with joy unspeakable and full of glory, the opportunity afforded by the rebellion to free the country form the matchless crime and infamy. It has always been for peace or against peace, for war and against war, precisely as dictated by slavery. This inexpensive compilation of his speeches adds vital detail to the portrait of a great historical figure. Thirdly: The earnest desire for peace which is shared by all classes except government contractors who are making money out of the war; a feeling which may be kindled to a flame by any serious reverses to our arms. When the late Stephen A. Douglas uttered the sentiment that he did not care whether slavery were voted up or voted down in the territories, we thought him lost to all genuine feeling on the subject, and no man more than Mr. Lincoln denounced that sentiment as unworthy of the lips of any American statesman. Fugitive-slave laws, slavery-extension laws, and Dred Scott decisions were among the steps to get the nation squarely upon the cornerstone now chosen by the Confederate states. Its members would receive the benediction due to peacemakers. I look for no miraculous destruction of slavery. It is this more than all else which has carried consternation in to the bloodstained halls of the South. Whatever may be a man’s abilities, virtue or service, the fact that he is an Abolitionist makes him an object of popular hate. It was not Richmond, but Washington. I will not stop here to blame and denounce the past; but I will say that the most of the blunders and disasters of the earlier part of the war might have been avoided had our armies and generals not repelled the only true friends the Union cause had in the rebel states. Great was their disappointment. Hence we have been talking of the importance of carrying on the war within the limits of a Constitution broken down by the very people in whose behalf the Constitution is pleaded! The issue before us is a living issue. Frederick Douglass: "The Lion of Anacostia" Frederick Douglass (1818-1895) Frederick Douglass, the man who became a strong symbol and a vocal advocate for freedom for American slavers, was born into slavery, with the name Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey. The 19th century was a revolutionary era for African Americans. At one time they would stop bloodshed at the South by inaugurating bloody revolution at the North. Yet, unconsciously to ourselves, and against our own protestations, we are in reality, like the South, fighting for national unity—a unity of which the great principles of liberty and equality, and not slavery and class superiority, are the cornerstone. Their aim was higher; secession was only their second choice. Fifthly: An Abolitionist is an object of popular dislike. The Civil War was less than a decade away when Douglass gave this speech, in which he referred to Independence Day celebrations that took place the previous day: Fellow Citizens, I … We have much less to fear from the bold and shameless wickedness of the one than from the timid and short-sighted policy of the other. The day that shall see the rebels at our feet, their weapons flung away, will be the day of trial. On Decoration Day, 1871, Frederick Douglass gave the following address at the monument to the Unknown Dead of the Civil War at Arlington National Cemetery. 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